This document originally appeared on Andrew Majzlik's Website at http://majzlik.com/unit_1_notes.htm.  

This site went down in March 2008, so I have copied it here.

This document was written by and is therefore copyright Andrew Majzlik, a teacher at Guildford College in the UK. 

He wrote on his website: 'Hello, and welcome to my Web Site. I'm Andrew Majzlik and I am the new subject co-ordinator for History at Guildford College. I have been teaching for nearly 30 years and before coming to Guildford  College I was Head of History at Giggleswick School, North Yorkshire (1974-1990), Deputy Head of Sixth Form at Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School, Faversham (1991-1998), Head of History and Head of Sixth Form at Box Hill School, Surrey (1998-1999) and lecturer in charge of History at Fareham College (2000-2004). My Web Site is specifically intended to be used by my students. It provides help and information about the courses I teach, details of assignments I have set and other relevant information to make studying History at Guildford College a positive experience.'

Why was the Treaty of Versailles unpopular in Germany? 

1.      It was a 'diktat':

The Germans were not allowed into the discussions at Versailles - they were simply presented with the terms and told to sign. They were allowed to criticise the treaty in writing but their objections were ignored. Some historians feel that the Germans were justified in objecting and that it would have been reasonable to allow them to join in the discussions. This would then have deprived the Germans of the argument, much used by Hitler, that because the treaty was a 'diktat' it was not morally binding. On the other hand, it can be argued that the Germans deserved to be treated harshly, especially as they themselves had imposed a harsh treaty, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, on Russia in 1918. This was also a 'diktat'.

2.    Promises had been broken:

Germans claimed they had been promised peace terms based on Wilson's Fourteen Points. They argued that many of the treaty provisions were not in accordance with the Fourteen Points. This is not a valid objection: the Fourteen Points had never been accepted as official by any of the Allies, and the Germans themselves had ignored them in January 1918 (when there still seemed to be a chance of German victory). By November 1918 German tactics (the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the destruction of mines, factories and public buildings during the retreat through France and Belgium) caused the Allied attitude to harden and Wilson to add two additional points to his original fourteen - Germany should pay for any damage to civilian population and property and should be reduced to 'virtual impotence' (i.e. disarmed). The Germans were aware of this when they accepted the terms of the Armistice. In addition, most of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles do comply with the Fourteen Points and their additions.

3.    Loss of territory:

Germany suffered extensive territorial losses in Europe, including Alsace-Lorraine and the 'Polish Corridor'. However, both were mentioned in the Fourteen Points. The loss of Alsace-Lorraine (taken from France in 1871) must have been expected and in many other areas plebiscites were held - Germany retained South Schleswig but lost North Schleswig after plebiscites, for example. Nevertheless, Germany did lose 13% of her territory and 12% of her population. Millions of Germans were forced to live as minorities under foreign rule and as far as Germany was concerned the principle of self-determination had not been fairly applied. Considerable human suffering must have resulted.

Germany had more grounds for objecting to the loss of all their colonies. The mandate system enabled the Allies to take control of Germany's colonies without actually annexing them - Britain gained German East Africa and parts of Togoland and the Cameroons; France gained the remainder of Togoland and the Cameroons; South Africa gained German South West Africa; Japan gained various islands in the Pacific.

4.    Disarmament:

The disarmament clauses were deeply resented. The German army was reduced to a force of 100,000 - Germany claimed this was insufficient for national defence and inadequate for keeping law and order during a period of political disturbance. France wanted a weak Germany and all nations wanted to avoid a future war. Germany was forced to disarm, but other nations did not do so and this gave Germany cause for complaint. On the other hand, the disarmament clauses proved difficult to enforce and Germany was able to begin rearming in secret.

5.    War Guilt:

The Germans objected to being saddled with the entire blame for the outbreak of war Article 231, the 'War Guilt' Clause, provided that: The Allied and Associated Governments affirm and Germany accepts the responsibility of Germany and her allies for causing all loss and damage to which the Allied and Associated Governments and their nationals have been subjected as a consequence of the war imposed on them by the aggression of Germany and her allies.

There are some grounds for objection here. Historians now agree that the causes of the First World War were extremely complex and that several countries helped to precipitate the crisis. The Special Commission on War Responsibility, however, decided in only six weeks that Germany was entirely to blame. The Allies wanted Germany to accept responsibility for the war so that reparations could be justified. Germany denied all responsibility for the war, however, claiming that the declarations of war on Russia and the invasion of Belgium and France in 1914 were acts of self-defence.

6.    Reparations:

Reparations were the final humiliation for the Germans and it is now accepted that the final amount fixed by the Reparations Commission in 1921 (£6,600 million) was much too high. Many contemporaries, notably the British economist John Maynard Keynes, wanted a lower, more reasonable figure to be set which Germany could afford to pay. Germany protested that the figure was much too high and could not be paid. When they defaulted on their repayments, the Allies protested (they needed the money to repay their own war debts). Recent research suggests that Germany could have made their payments without too much hardship.

7.    The Treaty was harsh and vindictive:

Germany complained that overall the Treaty of Versailles was too harsh and vindictive. This proved a useful rallying cry for various nationalist groups like the NSDAP and there is little doubt that the Weimar Republic was identified with the shameful humiliation of Versailles. Nevertheless the Treaty could have been harsher, indeed if Clemenceau had had his way the Rhineland would have become and independent state and France would have annexed the Saar.

* Read the article by Ruth Henig in MHR (April 2002)

Hyperinflation in Weimar Germany

Causes of inflation:

Winners and losers:

The Dawes Plan, 1924:

The Young Plan, 1929:

The Weimar Constitution

Background:

Elections to the Constituent (or National) Assembly took place on 19 January 1919. There was a high turn-out (83%) and all adult men and women were entitled to vote. These elections were, in fact, the first completely democratic elections ever to take place in Germany.

The SPD emerged as the largest single party with 38% of the vote (163 seats out of 421) but anti-socialist parties like the DNVP, DVP and DDP all did well. The KPD and the DAP both boycotted the elections, but otherwise there was a reassuring commitment from most of the other parties to the new Republic.

The Assembly began its work on 6 February 1919. It met in Weimar, hence the name 'Weimar Republic', because Berlin was still torn by political unrest. By 10 February agreement had been reached on an interim constitution and the following day the Assembly elected Friedrich Ebert as President. Ebert asked Philipp Scheidemann to become Chancellor and form a government. The SPD then formed a coalition with the Zentrum and the DDP.

On 31 July 1919 the full Weimar Constitution, which owed much to the efforts of a liberal lawyer, Hugo Preuss, was formally approved by the Assembly. It is important to note, however, that the DNVP, the DVP and the USPD all voted against the new Constitution.

The Weimar Constitution:

The Constitution was a complex document that had 181 separate articles. The first Article of the constitution declared that 'The German Reich is a republic. Political power is derived from the people.' The Constitution established a federal system of government in which political authority was divided between the individual states (La;nder) and the central, or federal, government. The powers of the states were relatively limited, however.

All Germans over the age of 20 were entitled to vote in a secret ballot. The constitution also made provision for the holding of a referendum on any issue.

The President, the head of state, was elected for a term of 7 years. He had considerable powers: he could summon and dissolve the Reichstag; he appointed the Chancellor; he appointed all important officials, both civilian and military; he was commander-in-chief of the armed forces; he had special emergency powers to suspend civil liberties and rule by decree under Article 48 of the Constitution; he also had a legislative veto (but this could be overridden by a referendum).

It was expected that Germany would be governed by ministers responsible to the Reichstag, but under Article 48 of the Constitution, the President was given powers to intervene in an emergency. Between 1930 and 1933 Germany was governed continuously on the basis of these emergency powers, something that the framers of the Weimar Constitution had not anticipated.

The Reich Chancellor, normally, but not always, the leader of the largest party in the Reichstag, was responsible for forming a government. The Chancellor determined the main lines of policy and was answerable to the Reichstag. He could be dismissed after a vote of no-confidence.

The Reichstag, the lower house of the legislature or law-making body was elected every 4 years by a system of proportional representation. Germany was divided into 35 equal electoral districts. Each political party drew up a list of candidates and in the elections voters voted for the party as a whole rather than for individual candidates. For every 60,000 votes a party gained in each district, it was awarded one deputy. Party officials chose their allocated number of deputies from their respective party lists. If a party did not obtain 60,000 votes in any particular district, but did obtain over 30,000 votes in several districts, these votes would be added up and translated into an appropriate number of deputies. Significantly, the total number of deputies in the Reichstag was not fixed - it depended on the total number of votes cast.

The individual states (Lander) also had to adopt a democratic form of government and all state monarchs, e.g. in Bavaria, and Prussia, were replaced. The 17 individual states looked after some of their own affairs (education, law, police) and had their own law-making body or Lantag but the federal government controlled taxation, the armed forces, foreign policy and communications. The state parliaments (Lantag) sent representatives (67 in total) to the Reichsrat.

The Reichsrat, the upper and less important house of the legislature, was much less powerful than the Reichstag. The Reichsrat was little more than an advisory body. It was able to veto legislation passed by the Reichstag but this veto could be overridden by a two-thirds majority in the Reichstag. Each state had 1 vote in the Reichsrat for every 700,000 of its inhabitants. Any laws passed by the Reichstag  automatically prevailed over laws passed by the state parliaments or Lantag and in an emergency the federal state had powers to intervene in state affairs.

The Weimar Constitution contained a Bill of Rights which guaranteed personal liberty, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, legal equality and religious freedom. It also guaranteed a minimum provision of social services, including 'a healthy dwelling for every German' and various new labour laws to protect workers and improve their conditions.

The judiciary (judges) had an important role in ensuring that laws were fairly applied and enforced. The judiciary was also responsible for punishing all those who broke the law. The Supreme Court was also responsible for interpreting the constitution.

The Constitution could be altered by legislation, but this required a two-thirds majority in the Reichstag.

The Weimar system of government was a hybrid affair based partly on the British parliamentary system and partly on the American federal system with its directly elected President. It has been called 'a masterpiece of liberalism' (Martyn Housden) and it was a sincere attempt at introducing democratic government in Germany in place of the traditional authoritarian system of the German Empire headed by the Kaisers. John Hiden has described the finished constitution as 'a synthesis between, on the one hand, progressive political and social ideas and, on the other, the desire to protect traditional institutions'. Given this idealism, it was most unfortunate that the Weimar Constitution contained a number of serious flaws and was from its earliest days unpopular with key sections of German society (landed elites, bureaucrats, the military).

The weaknesses of the Weimar Republic:

The Weimar Republic was closely associated with the humiliating and unpopular Treaty of Versailles, with its arms limitations, territorial losses, reparations and war guild clauses. It was therefore always associated with defeat and dishonour and could never be accepted by German nationalists. Although several historians have argued that it is wrong to blame the Treaty of Versailles for the ultimate defeat of the Weimar Republic, the Treaty of Versailles continued to poison the political atmosphere in Germany. Whenever a major problem, such as hyperinflation , hit Germany, it was easy for critics to blame everything on Versailles and so reinforce the 'stab in the back' or 'dolchstoss' myth.

There was, in addition, a tradition lack of respect for democratic government and a great admiration for the army and the officer class as the rightful leaders of Germany. In 1919 the view was widespread that the army had not been defeated: it had been betrayed, 'stabbed in the back' by the democrats and socialists who had needlessly agreed to the Treaty of Versailles. What most Germans failed to appreciate was that it was General Ludendorff who had first suggested an armistice when the Kaiser was still in power. Many Germans believed that the nation had been betrayed by the 'November Criminals' and so right from the start the Weimar Republic was unpopular.

The parliamentary system introduced by the new Weimar Constitution had several weaknesses, the most serious of which was that it was based on a system of proportional representation. It was intended to ensure that all political groups would be fairly represented in a very democratic system. Unfortunately there were so many different groups that no party could ever win an overall majority. A succession of weak coalition governments was inevitable and no party was able to carry out its programme. Between 1919 and 1928 there were 15 different cabinets, none lasting for more than 18 months, and some only surviving for three.

Coalition governments found it difficult to agree on a common set of policies and the German electorate became increasingly exasperated by political in-fighting and frequent changes of government. Only 8 of the 21 coalition governments between 1919 and 1933 had majority support in the Reichstag and generally it was too easy for anti-democratic parties like the KPD and NSDAP to gain seats. The result, inevitable, was a succession of weak coalition governments. The Weimar Republic was, in consequence, characterised by political instability (except during the Stresemann era, 1923-29)

The various political parties had very little experience of government. Before 1919 the Reichstag had not controlled policy - the Chancellor had the final authority and was the one who really ruled the nation. Under the Weimar Constitution it was the other way round - the political parties were not used to operating on a national scale or to working with each other. Co-operation between parties was made more unlikely by the fundamental differences between them.

The constitution allowed for plebiscites to be help on specific issues. This was very democratic but it also enabled those parties opposed to democracy to put their case to the public and undermine the system. A good example of this was the referendum over the Young Plan in 1929 which helped Hitler and the NSDAP to have a platform for their right-wing, nationalist views.

Communists and nationalists did not believe in the republic anyway and refused to support the SDP. The right-wing parties never gave the new constitution their wholehearted support. Disagreements became so bitter that some of the parties organised their own private armies, for self-defence to begin with, but this increased the threat of civil war and unrest. There were numerous outbreaks of violence and various attempts to overthrow the republic, e.g. the Kapp Putsch, 1920 and Hitler's Munich Putsch, 1923. Successive governments seemed incapable of preventing these outbreaks of violence and were easily discredited. An increasing number of people began to favour a return to strong, authoritarian government that would maintain strict public order.

Although the Constitution introduced political changes designed to provide Germany with a democratic form of government, within the new Republic much remained unchanged. The structure of German society remained the same with former ruling elites still controlling the civil service, diplomatic corps, the judiciary, commerce, industry and education.  Many of these groups were potentially hostile to the Republic and in a good position to undermine it. Unwilling to transfer their loyalty from an imperialist Kaiser to a democratically elected President, they were to prove a dangerous and subversive influence on future events.

The President was also in a position to undermine the power of the Reichstag and democratic government. The President had extensive powers under Article 48 of the Constitution - he could appoint and dismiss governments and suspend civil rights, without parliamentary support, in times of emergency. The first president, Ebert, used Article 48 rarely and was committed to sustaining democracy. Hindenburg, President from 1925-1934, used Article 48 frequently and did much to undermine democracy.

There is some debate about whether or not the Weimar Republic was 'doomed from the outset'. Several historians have pointed out that the Weimar regime was a 'republic without republicans', lacking supporters committed to its success. Other historians disagree, suggesting that the regime did gain in popularity after a shaky start and that it was principally the disastrous impact of the Great Depression that caused its downfall rather than any real lack of support. As Feuchtwanger has pointed out, 'it was not the political and constitutional arrangements in themselves that were at fault, but the way in which they were used in a country where large sections of the population had little regard for democracy and parliamentary government.'

Hitler's Rise to Power in Germany: the early years, 1919-1924

Hitler's background and early life:

Hitler was born on 20 April 1889 in a guesthouse in the small Austrian town of Branau-am-Inn. His father, Alois, was a local customs official (who seems to have changed his name from Schicklgruber in 1877). Contrary to what he later claimed in Mein Kampf, Hitler's family were quite well off, and lived a comfortable middle-class lifestyle. Hitler was brought up strictly. At school he was considered lazy and without self-discipline but he was not without ability. In spite of his genuine interest in art and history, he failed his examinations and left school without any qualifications. 'Hitler's self-inflicted failure at secondary school left him with a bitter and lifelong contempt for book-learned academics and intellectuals.' (McDonough)

After his father's death in January 1903, he left home and moved to Linz where he lived on a small allowance made by his mother, Klara. In 1906 he visited Vienna. He dreamed of becoming an artist but he failed to gain entry to the Vienna Academy of Art in 1907, something he later blamed on influential, Jewish academics. Hitler was 'an artist with a talent deficit' (McDonough) - he was good at drawing buildings and landscapes but not people.

Hitler returned to Linz in October 1907 to nurse his terminally ill mother. She died on 21 December, with Hitler at her bedside. He was devastated by the death of his mother and it was clearly a very traumatic personal event. He lived as a virtual recluse for a while and began developing extremist ideas of Aryan supremacy and anti-Semitism. In this he was greatly influenced by the writing of men like Charles Darwin and George von Schonerer.

Hitler returned to Vienna in 1908. He visited the opera regularly and generally lived a life of idleness. He failed the entrance examination for the Vienna Academy of Arts for the second time in September 1908 and became quite bitter and depressed. He lived rough for a while, making a little money as an artist but his personal sense of failure promoted violent hatred and prejudice. In May 1913 he left Vienna (probably to avoid military service) and moved to Munich in Germany. He continued living a Bohemian lifestyle until the Austrian authorities caught up with him and charged him with avoiding military service. He was taken to Salzburg and ordered to appear before a recruitment panel. Hitler's excuses for not completing his military service were eventually accepted and the panel concluded by declaring he was 'unfit' and 'too weak' for military service because he had a minor lung complaint.

Hitler and the First World War:

He was back in Munich when war broke out in 1914. Like many other young men at the time, Hitler was excited by the prospect of glory and fighting for the Fatherland: In Mein Kampf he described how he was 'carried away by the enthusiasm of the moment' and how he 'sank down on my knees and thanked heaven out of the fullness of my heart for granting me the good fortune of being permitted to live in such a time.'

He joined the 16^th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment and spent most of the war on the Western Front as a dispatch runner. He was not a soldier in the trenches, but his job was dangerous and he was personally brave. According to his commanding officer he was loyal and obedient but he never rose above the rank of lance-corporal. He was twice wounded and was twice awarded the Iron Cross. He was badly injured in a gas attack in 1918 and was still recovering in hospital when he heard the news that the German High Command had asked for an armistice. In Mein Kampf, Hitler recalled his feelings:

 After the War:

After the War Hitler, who was still serving in the German Army, was appointed a Bildungsoffizier (an education officer in the political department of the army's district command in Munich). His job was to ensure that young Germans were not indoctrinated with divisive ideas like socialism and pacifism but were made aware of the dangers of Communism.

In September 1919 he was ordered to attend a meeting of Anton Drexler's German Workers' Party (Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or DAP) and report back on its activities. Hitler listened to a talk by Gottfried Feder, a political and economic theorist, and was greatly impressed by what he heard. Later he joined the Party (member number 515) in what he saw as 'the most decisive moment of my life. From here there could be no turning back'.

He was soon co-opted onto the DAP's committee and given responsibility for recruitment and propaganda. Hitler was energetic and enthusiastic, often addressing meetings himself. The DAP gradually grew in size and Hitler emerged as a prominent figure. He was clearly a skilful speaker and political agitator, often speaking about the 'stab-in-the-back', the shame and betrayal of Versailles, the inadequacies of the Weimar government, profiteering Jews and the need for strong leadership.

In May 1920 Hitler left the army to concentrate on his political career. In December 1920 the Party purchased a local newspaper which it renamed, the Volkischer Beobachter (the People's Observer). Publshed by Dietrich Eckhart, this newspaper was used to spread Nazi ideas. The money for this came from Dietrich Eckart, prominent Munich conservatives and secret army funds.

Hitler also appreciated the propaganda value of using symbols, salutes and slogans and of attracting to the Party nationally known figures and celebrities. He adopted the swastika (hakenkrauz or 'hooked cross') as the Party emblem - he cleverly used the same colours as the old imperial flag, i.e. red, white and black, suggesting both traditionalism and revolution.  Hitler also introduced the raised arm salute and the 'Heil' greeting. Significantly, too, at the Hofbrauhaus Meeting in Munich (February 1920) he changed the name of the DAP to the National Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist German Workers' Party) and the Party adopted the Twenty-Five Point Programme.

Hitler then pressed for the reorganisation of the Party's structure. He wanted a single leader to have control over decision making rather than a committee. At the first national congress of the NSDAP, held in Munich in January 1921, Drexler spoke against Hitler's plans and they were rejected. Drexler also began holding talks with the German Socialist Party (DDP) with a view to merging the two nationalist parties. Hitler was against this and on 11 June 1920 he dramatically resigned from the Nazi Party. The loss of such a powerful speaker and organiser was potentially damaging and at a specially convened national congress of the Nazi Party held on 29 July 1921, the proposal that Hitler be given 'dictatorial' control over the party was carried by 553 votes to 1. Hitler was now in complete control.

In November 1921 Hitler created the Sturmabteilung (SA or Brownshirts) under the leadership of Ernst Roehm. Recruited from ex-Freikorps members, the unemployed and the criminal classes, the SA were used to give Hitler and other speakers protection at meetings and to disrupt the meetings of rival groups. The actions of the SA also helped to create an atmosphere of violence and terror on the streets.

Throughout 1922 Hitler's speeches were consistently 'for Germany' and 'against' democratic government. At this time Hitler tended to refer to himself as a 'drummer', the man who would mobilise the masses for Germany's regeneration, not as a future German dictator.  After Mussolini's successful 'March on Rome' in October 1922, however, Hitler began to see himself more and more as a 'dynamic leader'.  Nazi propaganda became instrumental in developing the cult of the Fuhrer. Hitler was seen more and more as a 'heroic' leader, a man destined to restore German pride and greatness.

Membership continued to grow steadily and by 1922 the NSDAP had 6,000 members. The NSDAP's power base was largely confined to Munich at this time but during 1922 support began to develop in the north of Bavaria around the ancient city of Nuremberg.

This secret of this success lay in the willingness of the NSDAP to clash violently with their political opponents - in Coburg, for example they fought a pitched battle with members of the SPD.

By this time Hitler had enlisted the support of a number of men who were to prove key figures in the early development of the NSDAP. Alfred Rosenberg provided many of the Nazi movement's racial theories, especially its anti-Semitism; Max Amann became the NSDAP's publishing manager; Hermann Goring, a former fighter pilot, introduced Hitler to important people in Bavarian high society; Rudolf Hess was another important member with many useful contacts in society. In 1922 Julius Streicher, leader of a rival right-wing group in Nuremberg, agreed to join the Nazis. In 1923 he founded Der Sturmer, another Nazi newspaper.

The Munich Putsch, 1923:

By 1923 the NSDAP had a membership of 20,000.  By the end of the year this had increased to over 50,000. At the height of the hyperinflation crisis in November 1923, Hitler launched an armed coup in Munich (the Munich Putsch). This was planned by Hitler in conjunction with renegade forces in the army, the most prominent of whom was General Ludendorff. The idea was to overthrow the Weimar government and establish an authoritarian nationalist regime in Bavaria. On 8 November 1923, von Kahr, the leader of the Bavarian government, was addressing a meeting in a beerhall (the Burgerbraukeller) in Munich when Hitler, accompanied by a large number of SA men, burst in. Hitler proclaimed 'the National Revolution has begun', but the army, the police and the Bavarian government all refused to give their support. The following day, Hitler, accompanied by a large group of supporters, some of whom were armed, marched on the Odeonsplatz in the centre of Munich hoping to capture the War Ministry and other key buildings. They were met by the state police, shots were fired and 14 Nazis and 4 policemen were killed.

The Munich Putsch was a bungled and humiliating failure. Hitler, Ludendorff and most of the other leading Nazis were arrested. It looked as if Hitler's political career was over. Hitler's trial opened on 24 February. It appears that he immediately took the initiative and turned the trial into a propaganda triumph. Taking advantage of the fact that the trial was public and that the judges were sympathetic to his cause, Hitler made no attempt to deny the charge of high treason:

During the trial the judges allowed Hitler to make a number of long speeches. These were reported in the national press and Hitler became a national figure for the first time. He was now the hero of the fanatic right, a man who had stood up for Germany at a time of crisis. The Nazi Party was banned but it nevertheless had been prominent in opposition to the Weimar Republic.

Hitler was found guilty but received a very lenient sentence (5 years in prison). In the event he only served 9 months before being granted parole.  Hitler was treated like a celebrity. Conditions in Landsberg were quite comfortable and Hitler was allowed as many visitors as he wished. While in prison Hitler began writing Mein Kampf. The first volume was published in July 1926 and the second in December 1926. According to Kershaw the writing of Mein Kampf helped Hitler to finalise a coherent 'world view' (weltanschauung) and also to strengthen his self-belief. He now believed he was destined to become a great leader and that he had a definite mission to accomplish. Hitler dedicated the book to the 16 men who lost their lives at the time of the Munich Putsch and he stated in the authors preface that his reason for writing was 'to destroy the legendary fabrications which the Jewish press have circulated about me.

His spell in prison also helped him plan for the future. Kershaw argues that it was now that Hitler concluded that the strategy adopted between 1919 and 1923, namely to overthrow the Weimar Republic by force, was no longer feasible. He now knew that to win power he had to have popular support. He decided that the Nazi Party had to be transformed into a major national political party that would be able to gain power legally through the elections:

What was the appeal of the Nazis?

Hitler was one of the greatest speakers of the twentieth century and displayed great skill when manipulating an audience. He had supreme control over audiences, appealing to their emotions with his speeches on purity of blood and racial superiority. A study of Nazi propaganda posters suggests that the appeal of the NSDAP rested on the following factors:

Cult of the leader:

This was promoted in Hitler's dress, the content of his speeches and the visual impact of mass rallies and parades. Slogans like 'Germany awake' were especially effective. Leaders were surrounded by SA bodyguards, who presented the image of a disciplined military formation. Such devices appealed to the young.

Nationalism:

This was stirred by the 'stab in the back' tradition and an anti-Communist platform which attracted the support of nationalist, patriotic elements.

Appeal to the youth of Germany:

This was based on the promise of action, comradeship and a sense of idealism and commitment to a cause. Young people believed they were taking part in the rebirth of Germany in a more direct way than those who supported other parties. Propaganda messages were simple, depending on action rather than thought. A recurring message was to 'suffer pain'.

The concept of struggle:

Many Germans shared Hitler's personal philosophy of 'struggle' and the will of the individual. A cult of violence spread, fostered by fears of a 'red' revolution from the KPD or SPD.

Anti-Semitism:

Jews were presented as an inferior race and the source of all the evil in society. Hitler claimed that the Jews undermined the nation. In reality, Jews accounted for a small percentage of Germany's population. They were, however, prominent in cultural life and the professions. Many Jews were also involved in trade and commerce. Generally, they were perceived to be wealthy and so the less well-off were jealous of them.

How would you account for the rise of Hitler in Germany?

This question has prompted considerable historical debate. Historians don't know the answer!!

A recent BBC video,  'The Nazis - A Warning from History', suggests the following reasons:

o     Emphasis on traditional values

o     Emphasis on nationalism

o     Emphasis on the 'Fuhrerprinzip'

There may also be other plausible reasons for the rise of Hitler, e.g. the weakness of potential opposition parties like the KPD and SPD.

Was Hitler lucky? Was he in the right place at the right time? He came to power legally but he never had a majority - was the Weimar system to blame for this?